Part Two

Part Two
Continued



Television pictures of bombing targets in Iraq caused U.S. war planners to fine-tune their strategy of avoiding collateral damage. Haass said, "We had a little glimpse of that with the attack on what we thought at the time and since have concluded we were correct in thinking was a command, control, and communications facility, which, at the time unbeknownst to us, was inhabited by several hundred civilians." Wolfowitz agreed: "I guess the bombing of that bunker is the sort of most germane episode, and it's one where the TV images were very vivid. And it's in fact because of the general way in which the air targeting was done, you'd probably have a hard time proving that it had an effect on decisions, but I think it probably did lead us to be more careful.... You might well find that there were now some targets that they thought, 'Well, maybe we don't have to hit them right away if this is going to be the consequence.'"66 Although he was Reagan's vice president, George Bush would privately have scoffed at what he would have considered to be an excessively emotional approach to foreign policy.

Thus it was ironic that he should be president during the 1992 famine in Somalia, where domestic turmoil prevented food and other supplies from going where they were needed. Whereas newspaper reportage did not turn the Ukrainian famine of the 1930s into a burning domestic American issue, television coverage of the famine in Somalia played a critical role in generating public pressure on President George Bush to intervene. Without television coverage of the Somali plight, it is unlikely that the Bush administration would have felt so compelled to send troops to Somalia in December 1992. Likewise, without the incentive of television coverage of American troops in an unambiguously heroic mode (and of the president greeting them and their Somali beneficiaries three weeks before leaving office), Bush might have declined to act.